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Javni Diskurz O Družinskem Zakoniku: Moralna Panika?

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Mojca Žerak (21100050)
Komunikologija (MKŠ)
2. letnik, redni
JAVNI DISKURZ O DRUŽINSKEM ZAKONIKU: MORALNA PANIKA?

V modernih družbah se srečujemo z debatami o vplivih množičnih medijev. Množični mediji imajo več funkcij, zagotovo pa je ena izmed pomembnejših obveščanje. Ko pa pride do obveščanja o zadevah, ki so moralno sporne, je lahko določena družba izpostavljena moralni paniki. V eseju bom predstavila klasične in sodobne koncepte moralne panike, ki jih je utemeljilo več avtorjev (Cohen, Young, McRobbie…). V nadaljevanju eseja bom poskušala ugotoviti, ali so ti koncepti koristni za razumevanje javnega diskurza, ki smo mu bili v Sloveniji priča pred kratkim, diskurza o sprejemanju Družinskega zakonika.

MODELI IN TEORIJE MORALNE PANIKE

Stan Cohen se je v delu Folk Devils (1972) osredotočil na deviantnost in označevanje deviantov. Družba pa večkrat s temi devianti nima stika, zato se zanaša na informacije, ki jih pridobi iz medijev. Zato je razumevanje medijev zelo pomembno. Devianti tako lahko postanejo »ljudski hudiči«. Do tega pa pride preko treh korakov; popačenje dejstev in uporaba čustvenega jezika, grožnja, da se bodo podobna dejanja spet ponavljala, tretji korak pa je simbolizacija jezika (Critcher 2009). Cohen torej trdi, da imajo mediji zelo velik vpliv na ustvarjanje in potek moralne panike ter pa predstavitev deviantov kot ljudskih hudičev.

Hall in kolegi so Cohen-ov model spremenili, družbena kontrola kulture je zamenjana s stanjem, ki se trudi vzdržati hegemonijo. Model, ki so ga postavili je sestavljen iz sedmih stopenj. Prva stopnja je pojav. Neko dejanje se začne pojavljati kot grožnja. Pomembno je, v kakšni obliki se pojavi, kaj je novega v tem problemu in zakaj je sploh dojeto kot grožnja družbenemu redu. Druga stopnja moralne panike je medijska inventarizacija, razlaga grožnje in predstavitev deviantov preko medijev. Mediji postanejo na to temo občutljivi, pride do popačenja, pretiravanja , simbolizacije in napovedi. Na tretji stopnji se pojavijo moralni podajalci mnenj, ki problem opišejo, predstavijo, zanj poskušajo najti rešitve. S strani urednikov, župnikov, politikov itd., se postavijo se moralne barikade, ki ljudem pomagajo pri reakcijah in ponujajo neke razlage. Četrta stopnja moralne panike je podajanje diagnoz in rešitev s strani ekspertov. Na peti stopnji se pojavi obvladovanje in reševanje, podajalci mnenj, eksperti in mediji poskušajo rešiti probleme, če njihova moč ni dovolj, se pojavi potreba po zakonski reformi. Šesta stopnja moralne panike je umik, pomembno pa je, zakaj se je moralna panika umaknila in kakšen status je pridobil problem. Zadnja stopnja pri razlagi moralne panike pa je njena zapuščina, spremembe v zakonu ali družbi ipd. Ta model moralne panike ni linearen, od druge do pete stopnje se lahko vrstni red spreminja. (Critcher 2009)

Goode in Ben-Yehuda, ki sta utemeljila atribucijski model moralne panike, dajeta večji pomen pri ustvarjanju moralne panike podajalcem trditev in ne toliko množičnim medijem, definirata tudi razlike med družbenimi problemi in moralnimi panikami, družbenim problemom manjka ljudski hudič, panične reakcije in nihanje skrbi. Moralno paniko definirata preko petih karakteristik, skrb, sovražnost, konsenz, pomembno je, da se skrb in sovražnost zaznata v celotni družbi in ne le med določenimi ljudmi, disproporcinalnost je temeljna lastnost moralne panike, nestanovitnost, saj moralne panike zelo hitro nastanejo in prav tako hitro poniknejo. (Critcher 2009)

Thompson se je ukvarjal z definiranjem razlik med angleškim in ameriškim modelom moralne panike. Ameriški model daje prednost družbenim gibanjem, medtem ko se angleški osredotoči na družbeno živčnost. Čeprav sta modela različna, ju je Thompson povezal, oziroma našel skupne značilnosti. Družbeni problemi so družbeno konstruirani in niso povezani z aktualnimi pojavi problemov. Moralne panike so ekstremne a periodnično ponavljajoče oblike družbenih problemov. Moralne panike vplivajo na legalen sistem moralnega nadzorovanja in družbene kontrole. Moralna panika služi potrjevanju moralnih in ideoloških mej v družbi. To pa so edine skupne značilnosti angleškega in ameriškega modela moralne panike. Angleška tradicija vidi uspešen zaključek moralne panike kot nek ideološki zaključek, medtem ko se ameriška bolj zanima za proces družbene izgradnje. (Critcher 2009)

Bulc v članku Serijski morilci mačk: moralna panika in mladinsko prestopništvo teorije moralne panike prenese na slovenski primer mladoletnih fantov, ki so ubijali mačke. Opiše model Burns-a in Crawford-a, ki predstavi glavne akterje v moralni paniki. Ti so mediji, politiki in širša javnost. Bulc na primeru pobijanja mačk ta trikotnik razširi na kvadrat, vključi še strokovnjake. Pojasni tudi, da je imela pri tržiškem primeru vlogo tudi policijo, saj so mediji večino informacij o primeru dobili ravno od policije. S tem mediji pridobijo legitimnost, poleg tega pa dobi policija nadzor nad informacijami o kriminalnih dejanjih, da zadovolji lastne interese in postane državni aparat pri nadzoru deviantnega obnašanja. Pri tem primeru je bila pomembna tudi predstavljena ideologija. Mladi morajo biti pod nadzorom, sicer se začnejo obnašati odklonsko, postanejo podivjani in nevarni. Ta ideologija je pridobila kredibilnost s pojavom strokovnjakov v medijih, ki jim je bilo namenjenega zelo veliko prostora. (Bulc 2003)

Angela McRobbie predstavi moralno paniko kot standarden odziv in ne kot neko izjemno intervencijo, prostor, kjer se odvija moralna panika pa kot prostor, kjer se odvijajo najbolj vnete politične bitke. V jedru je smisel moralne panike še vedno vstavljanje strahu v ljudi, spodbuja standardno in ne več sprejemljivo sliko družinskega življenja ter preko ustrahovanja staršev vpliva na vzgojo otrok. McRobbie na primeru mladoletnega kriminala prikaže vedno večji porast in tudi vpliv interesnih skupin, ki zagovarjajo demonizirane skupine. Interesne skupine zagovarjajo ljudske hudiče, mediji pa jim dajo prostor zato, ker želijo biti zanimivi za čim večje občinstvo. (McRobbie 1994)

Pearson opozori še na nostalgičen jezik, ki se uporablja v času moralnih panik in povzroča neko gledanje na preteklost kot na čas, ko je bilo boljše in lepše, in se ta dejanja, ki so v ospredju pri neki moralni paniki, niso dogajala. Čeprav to ni res, pred neko moralno paniko je bila situacija enaka, le medijsko izpostavljena ni bila. Moralna panika je tudi sredstvo soglasja, saj se aktivno stalno meša v prostor javnega mnenja in družbenega konsenza skozi močno čustven, retoričen, skoraj literaren jezik, ki pri ljudeh vzbudi občutek, da je treba nekaj storiti. Moralna panika postane odposlanec dominantne ideologije. V jeziku zdrave pameti deluje kot napredni opozorilni sistem in kot tak preide iz lokalnega problema na nekaj, kar je nacionalno pomembnega in s tem vpliva tudi na politiko ter ne le na medije. (McRobbie 1994)

Ena od idej v članku McRobbie-jeve The Moral Panics in the age of postmodern mass media je ta, da so ljudske hudiče varovale ne glavne politične opozicijske skupine ampak razne skupine za izvajanje pritiska (pressure groups) ter druge self-help skupine, ki so se pojavile po državi in ki sedaj igrajo veliko vlogo pri izpodbijanju naše percepcije nevarnih stereotipov in popularnih zmot. Nekateri ljudski hudiči postanejo organizatorji in voditelji takih skupin. Manj opazno je to, da ljudski hudiči sedaj ustvarjajo svoje lastne medije kot protiutež temu, kar oni dojemajo kot pristranski mainstream medij. Delikatno ravnotežje odnosa, ki so ga sociologi moralne panike videli, da obstaja med mediji, agenti družbene kontrole, ljudskimi hudiči in moralnimi varuhi, je naredilo prostor bolj kompliciranemu in bolj fragmentiranemu setu povezav. Poudarjajo tudi, da je bila jasno definirana in vidna moralna panika zamenjana z bolj zakompliciranim načinom reprezentacije družbenih in političnih problemov javnosti. (McRobbie 1994)

JAVNI DISKURZ O DRUŽINSKEM ZAKONIKU

Družinski zakonik je bil v državnem zboru sprejet 16.6.2011. Poročanje o tem se je začelo takoj, v medijih je bilo govora predvsem o tem, da s tem še ni nič odločeno, da državni svet grozi z vetom, prav tako, civilna iniciativa za družino in pravice otrok je takoj začela groziti z referendumom itd. Vsa zgodba o družinskem zakoniku se je končala 25.3.2012, ko je družinski zakonik padel na referendumu. Ampak ali je bil javni diskurz o tem moralna panika ali ne? V tem delu eseja bom preučila javni diskurz o družinskem zakoniku glede na prej predstavljene modele moralne panike in poskušala ugotoviti, ali smo v Sloveniji bili priča moralni paniki ali ne.
Po Hall-ovem sedem stopenjskem modelu se moralna panika začne s pojavom. Diskurz o družinskem zakoniku se je začel po tem, ko je bil zakonik sprejet v državnem zboru, in so ga nekateri videli kot grožnjo. Problem se je pojavil v veliki meri in je bil z nekaterih strani viden kot grožnja družbenemu redu, oz. natančneje kot grožnjo tradicionalni družini. Druga stopnja je prisotnost medijev. Mediji so bili prisotni vseskozi odločanje o sprejetju oz. zavrnitvi družinskega zakonika, problem je bil razložen, pretiran, popačen, napovedan je bil propad tradicionalne družine. »Predsednica Nove Slovenije Ljudmila Novak je v izjavi za medije poudarila, da je družinski zakonik za stranko NSi nesprejemljiv, saj "uničuje tradicionalno družino," prav tako pa "poslanci ob pripravi in sprejetju zakonika niso upoštevali volje ljudstva".« (RTVSLO 2011, 17. junij) Pri razvoju diskurza o zakoniku so prišli na vrsto tudi podajalci mnenj, tretja stopnja po Hall-u. Glavna med podajalci mnenj je bila zagotovo civilna iniciativa za zaščito družine in pravic otrok s Primcom na čelu, ki nam je ponujal pomoč pri razlagi problema. »Primc je pred vložitvijo podpisov povedal, da so se odločili zbrati več podpisov, da bi dokazali, da družinski zakonik "združuje ljudi v nasprotovanju družinskemu zakoniku in v podpori pravici otroka do matere in očeta." Ob tem se je zahvalil vsem ljudem "ne glede na spol, vero, raso, spolno usmerjenost," ki so pomagali zbirati podpise in ki so jih prispevali.« (RTVSLO 2011, 22. junij) Mnenja so preko medijev podali tudi eksperti, torej se je zgodila tudi četrta stopnja po Hall-u. »"Sklicevanju na psihološko in psihoterapevtsko stroko pri poskusih omejevanja pravic otrokom, ki ne živijo v klasični družinski skupnosti, še posebej tistim, ki živijo v družinah z istospolno usmerjenima staršema, odločno nasprotujemo," so v skupni izjavi zapisali v zbornici kliničnih psihologov, združenju psihoterapevtov in katedri za razvojno psihologijo ljubljanske Filozofske fakultete.« (RTVSLO 2012, 26. januar) Peti stopnji pa pri tem problemu nismo bili priča, saj se niso iskale rešitve, ampak sta se zgolj izoblikovala dva pola ljudi, tisti ki so za in tisti, ki so proti. Skupne rešitve ni bilo, oz. je bila na referendumu prepuščena ljudstvu.
Ravno ta razdeljenost ljudi pa javni diskurz o družinskem zakoniku naredi družbeni problem in ne moralno paniko po Ben-Yehood-u in Goode-u. Po njunem atribucijskem modelu moralne panike tudi hitro nastanejo in prav tako hitro izginejo, diskurz o družinskem zakoniku pa je bil dolgotrajen.
Nekatere značilnosti moralne panike pa je diskurz o družinskem zakoniku vseeno imel. Po Thompsonu je so družbeni problemi družbeno konstruirani in zakonska zveza ter otroci homoseksualnih partnerjev so v Sloveniji družbeni problem. Javni diskurz o zakoniku je vplival na legalen sistem in potrdil moralne ter ideološke meje v družbi.
Glavni akterji v javnem diskurzu o družinskem zakoniku so bili mediji, zagovorniki pravic istospolno umerjenih in civilna iniciativa za zaščito družine in pravic otrok. Glavni akterji niso bili politiki, ki so se sicer pojavljali v medijih glede tega problema, a ne v toliki meri kot drugi. Tako da družinski zakonik ni sprožil moralne panike tudi po Burns-u in Crawford-u, ki pravita, da so glavni akterji v moralni paniki mediji, politiki in širša javnost.
Če pa javni diskurz o družinskem zakoniku pogledamo še s stališča McRobbie-jeve, ki pravi, da je ena izmed glavnih funkcij moralne panike spodbujanje standardne slike družine in ki klasične modele moralne panike zamenja z bolj kompliciranim in fragmentiranim modelom ter daje veliko vrednost interesnim skupinam, ki so bile med glavnimi akterji v javnem diskurzu o družinskem zakoniku, smo bili priča moralni paniki.
Po Pearson-u, ki daje velik pomen pri moralni paniki močnemu, literarnemu jeziku, je imel javni diskurz o družinskem zakoniku značilnosti moralne panike. Primer tega lahko vidimo v intervjuju z vodjo civilne iniciative za zaščito družine in pravic otrok Alešem Primcem. »Zakonik ženski in moškemu ne priznava izključne naravne zmožnosti, da lahko spočneta otroka. Ne priznava, da je otrokova korist, da ima skrbna in ljubeča mamo in očeta, ter da imata mama in oče urejene in spoštljive odnose, ne glede na to ali živita skupaj ali ne. Gre torej za nerazumen umik od temeljnih naravnih danosti. Je pa družinski zakonik šele začetek procesa zanikanja naravnih danosti in razgradnje družbe, kot jo poznamo, saj so že pripravljena učna gradiva za spolno prevzgojo otrok od vrtcev in osnovnih šol naprej. Verjamem, da se to marsikomu zdi neverjetno, tudi meni se je, ko sem prvič videl te stvari. Vendar pa obstaja učbenik Ljubezen je ljubezen, ki ga je izdala Amnesty International Slovenija, ki otroke na pedagoško zvit način napeljuje k eksperimentiranju s svojim spolom in spolno usmerjenostjo.« (DNEVNIK 2012, 10. marec) V tej izjavi prepoznamo tudi nekatere druge prej omenjene značilnosti diskurza moralne panike. Grožnje, napovedi, strah itd.
Kakorkoli, javni dikusrz o družinskem zakoniku je imel nekatere značilnosti moralne panike, a kljub temu je trajal predolgo, da bi mu lahko rekli moralna panika, prav tako ni bila v strahu celotna javnost, ampak le del nje, druga polovica sploh ni videla problema. Javni diskurz o družinskem zakoniku v Sloveniji ni sprožil moralne panike, ampak je predstavil področje, na katerem se mnenja Slovencev in Slovenk zelo razlikujejo, ampak se homoseksualnosti ne bojijo, vcepljanje strahu v ljudi pa je glavna značilnost moralne panike.
LITERATURA:

Tiskani viri:
Bulc, Gregor. 2003. Serijski morilci mačk: Moralna panika in mladinsko prestopništvo. Teorija in praksa 40 (2): 245-266.
Cricther, Chas. 2009. Moral panics and the media. New York: Open University Press.
McRobbie, Angela. 1994. Postmodernism and popular culture. New York: Routledge.

Elektronski viri:
Dnevnik. Dostopno prek: www.dnevnik.si (19.4.2012)
RTV SLO. Dostopno prek. http://www.rtvslo.si/ (19.4.2012)…...

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